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political art-rockers turned pop-rock heroes are still going strong after more than twenty years.
The Manics emerged from Blackwood, fuelled by the radical socialist culture of the south Wales valleys.
They’ve outlived their own expiration date, survived personal trauma and enjoyed infamy, notoriety and success.
Some say their name comes from the book of the Monty Python film Life of Brian, which lists ‘manic street preacher’ as one of its characters.
The Manic Street Preachers were born, albeit with a different name, in 1986, when James Dean Bradfield, Nicky Wire, Sean Moore and rhythm guitarist Flicker formed Betty Blue, although they’d changed their name to Manic Street Preachers by the time they’d cut their first single, Suicide Alley.
All friends from an early age, it wasn’t long before Richey Edwards, at first a peripheral member of the group, was absorbed into the line-up.
After the single failed to make any waves, the band moved to London, where their startling visuals and forthright views prompted some critics to dismiss them as phoney chancers.
Melody Maker writer Bob Stanley thought differently and helped them put together the Blog: New Art Riot EP for Heavenly Records. them on and would prove crucial to their future.
Two further singles got the music press talking and led to acres of coverage. Liked or loathed, almost everybody had an opinion about them.
The image threatened to swamp their music, so much so that when rock journalist Steve Lamacq asked the band if they were “for real”, the band’s protestations were vividly underlined when Richey Edwards cut the words “4 Real” into his forearm with a razor. Six days later the Manics signed a major record deal with Sony.
Their first album Generation Terrorists sold 250,000 copies world-wide, and despite the band’s claims that they would make “one great album then split up, throw it all away,” they conspicuously stayed together.
The second album Gold Against the Soul disappointed some, and after touring many levelled the accusation that they were losing their direction. Problems worsened with the death of Philip Hall in December 1993, and Richey’s emotional problems led to his admission to the Priory Clinic in London.
This turmoil would be documented in the energetic and relentlessly bleak third album The Holy Bible, released to great acclaim in 1994. The uncompromising tone of the record would translate into a similarly charged live tour, climaxing with the destruction of £10,000 worth of their equipment at the London Astoria. It was the last time they would play as a four-piece.

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Conservative leader David Cameron said ministers should have said it was a matter for the Scottish government and kept to
the “clear view” there was “simply not room for movement” on Megrahi’s release.
He told the BBC it had been a “misjudgement” to “treat in any way with the Libyans about the future of Mr Megrahi
“This man was convicted of the largest mass murder in British history and if the conviction is in some way unsafe that
should be appealed and reviewed but he was convicted of that and they shouldn’t have been treating with the Libyans on that
basis.”
He said the government appeared to have shown the Libyans a “bit of light” and given them the impression the release of
Megrahi was something there “could be movement on”.
Liberal Democrat leader Nick Clegg said Mr Brown could remain silent for “not a minute longer”.
He said: “He really needs, for his own good, to come clean about what he knew and didn’t know.”
Scottish Justice Secretary Kenny MacAskill allowed Megrahi to be freed from Greenock Prison on 20 August on compassionate
grounds after rejecting his return to Libya under a prisoner transfer agreement.
Mr Brown and other UK ministers have declined to say whether they supported freeing Megrahi, stressing it was a decision for
the Scottish government.
Mr MacAskill is defending his decision again in a Scottish parliamentary debate.
Opposition parties are expected to unite to defeat the minority Scottish National Party government on the issue.
Other letters made public by the UK and Scottish governments on Tuesday reveal UK Justice Secretary Jack Straw changed his
mind about excluding the Lockerbie bomber from a proposed prisoner transfer agreement with Libya.
In a letter to Scottish First Minister Alex Salmond, on 11 February 2008, Mr Straw said Libya had become an “important
partner in the fight against terrorism” and was helping to counter illegal immigration.

On Tuesday, Scottish officials released documents which included a report that a Libyan official had said Foreign Office
Minister Bill Rammell had told them the prime minister and foreign secretary did not want the Lockerbie bomber to die in a
Scottish prison.
Mr Rammell has since confirmed he told Libya Mr Brown did not want to see Megrahi die in prison. However, he denied having
discussed this with Gordon Brown.
Mr Brown has so far declined to comment on the document, but is expected to do so later on Wednesday.
Mr Miliband told BBC Radio 4’s Today programme there had been no “double dealing” over Megrahi’s release.
He also said: “We did not want him to die in prison. No, we weren’t seeking his death in prison. We have been absolutely
clear.”
Questioned about Mr Rammell’s comments, he added: “He was asked by the Libyans whether or not we wanted Megrahi to die in
jail.
“He said we weren’t actively seeking his death in jail, and he explained very clearly that under our constitution this was a
matter of Scottish law, and a matter for the Scottish government.”

The Scottish Government has suffered a defeat in parliament over its handling of the Lockerbie case.
Opposition parties united in a vote to condemn the decision to free terminally-ill Abdelbaset Ali al-Megrahi on compassionate grounds.
The move fell short of a vote of no-confidence in the SNP government.
As the vote took place, a hospital official told the BBC Megrahi had undergone chemotherapy and was now in a cancer ward in Tripoli.
In a further development, a lawyer who represents the families of Lockerbie victims in the US is planning legal action to force the US government to publish details of its correspondence with London and Edinburgh in the run-up to Megrahi’s release.
During a debate at the Scottish Parliament, a government motion which said Scottish Justice Secretary Kenny MacAskill’s decision to release the bomber was taken in accordance with the justice system was amended by a combined Labour, Conservative and the Liberal Democrat vote.
MSPs voted by 73 to 50 with one abstention to pass amendments criticising the Scottish Government.
A Tory amendment said the possibility of releasing Megrahi to a location in Scotland was not adequately explored.
A Liberal Democrat amendment criticised Mr MacAskill for announcing his decision to free Megrahi at a news conference, rather than in parliament.
The Labour amendment accused Mr MacAskill of mishandling the process, and disagreed with the decision to return Megrahi to Libya on compassionate early release.
Scottish Labour leader Iain Gray said after the vote: “The Scottish Parliament has made clear its opposition to both the decision to release Megrahi to Libya and the woeful handling of the decision and announcement.”
Annabel Goldie, leader of the Scottish Conservatives said: “Tonight’s vote is a clear message to Alex Salmond that the SNP Government’s decision to release Mr Megrahi back to Libya is not in the Parliament’s name, nor is it in Scotland’s name. Mr Salmond’s boast that he stands up for Scotland is in tatters.”
The debate came a day after the Scottish Government released a list of documents on the case, which revealed that Foreign Office minister Bill Rammell had told the Libyans the prime minister and foreign secretary did not want the Lockerbie bomber to die in a Scottish prison.
Mr Rammell confirmed having made the remarks but denied having discussed this with Gordon Brown.

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Blackface was for years a staple of mainstream entertainment rooted in the minstrel shows of 19th-Century America.
Big stars like Bing Crosby and Judy Garland have appeared in blackface and one of the biggest of them all, Al Jolson, rarely appeared without it.
More highbrow examples of the “art” – Laurence Olivier playing Othello for example – seem to me to raise subtly different questions which are certainly worth exploring, although perhaps not within the confines of this article.
It is, by now, forgotten more or less (unless you buy French Vogue or watch Australian talent shows, of course) so it is a little depressing to find it cropping up in Black History Month and on the anniversary of John Howard Griffin’s challenging odyssey through Old Dixie.
At least it serves a purpose though – it reminds us that Griffin’s experiment was perhaps the only occasion on which one man assumed the race of another with noble intent.
It is worth reading what he wrote – and then reflecting, in this age of the first African-American president, on how far we have come.
And how far we have to go.
John Howard Griffin was a remarkable man. As a Texan teenager who found himself in France at the outbreak of World War II, he helped to smuggle Jewish children to safety and freedom.
He then served with distinction in the US Air Force in the Pacific. And then, after the war – when illness struck him blind for 10 years while he was still relatively young – he became a prolific writer.
It was after his sight returned that he hit upon the idea of Black Like Me, the work which is his most important legacy.
The whole business of racial impersonation might make us feel vaguely uncomfortable now, but in 1959 a black writer simply could not have found an audience for such a graphic portrayal of African-American grievance.
Only a white writer prepared to take the extraordinary steps that Griffin took could tell the story.
His biographer Robert Bonazzi – who went on to marry Griffin’s widow – told me how in practical terms the white Texan set up transforming himself into a black Southerner.

In the American Deep South in 1959, to be black was to be despised – to be treated as something less than human.
There was the grinding poverty, of course, and the segregation and legalised discrimination which reserved certain railroad cars, bus seats and drinking fountains for the whites.
But there were humiliations that ran deeper still. In some states, black men accused of looking at white women with lust in their hearts could be arrested under laws which made “ogling” a form of sexual assault.
In others, “eyeballing” laws meant that failing to look down at the sidewalk when white folks passed by could lead to a charge of behaving in a confrontational way.
Black performers – if they were ever hired by Southern theatres – were reminded in their contracts not to look at white women in the audiences.
John Howard Griffin was a remarkable man. As a Texan teenager who found himself in France at the outbreak of World War II, he helped to smuggle Jewish children to safety and freedom.
He then served with distinction in the US Air Force in the Pacific. And then, after the war – when illness struck him blind for 10 years while he was still relatively young – he became a prolific writer.
It was after his sight returned that he hit upon the idea of Black Like Me, the work which is his most important legacy.
The whole business of racial impersonation might make us feel vaguely uncomfortable now, but in 1959 a black writer simply could not have found an audience for such a graphic portrayal of African-American grievance.
Only a white writer prepared to take the extraordinary steps that Griffin took could tell the story.
His biographer Robert Bonazzi – who went on to marry Griffin’s widow – told me how in practical terms the white Texan set up transforming himself into a black Southerner.

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